Dear Mr Stride,
Today in Helmand on the 'front line' - Mr Cameron said the political process should mean "those people are prepared to give up the bomb, the bullet, can actually be part of that process, part of that future Afghanistan". Huffington Post But the bomb, the bullet, the SAMs, the heavy machine guns, the mortars for the rabbles.
The rank hypocrisy we hear from this nation's leaders causes millions of us to feel the deepest shame for the lack of principle and law in our nation.
You Mr Stride barred me from writing a second time to the FCO to find out what basis Britain in international law was using in its support for the rabbles and the armed rebellion within a sovereign country. I had considered the letter from Mr Alistair Burt entirely insufficient in its response to me. Perhaps the FCO had prevailed upon you in this.
I want you to recognise that in defending the FCO in its unlawful policies in Syria, you are complicit in that lawlessness.
You need to see this 9 minute film which shocked even this surgeon. Some claim that it is black propaganda; if it is the deception is most elaborate. One question mark is that the Arabic spoken is not as by a native tongue. Another is that one leader in this most gruesome record is wearing traditional Afghan dress. Another is an Uzbek face.
http://www.catholic.org/international/international_story.php?id=51537 linked link to > http://www.liveleak.com/view?i=ead_1372329728
I ask that you 1. support Mr Baron in his demand for a debate and 2. that you confirm Mr Cameron's statement that he does not think a Commons debate to be necessary is wrong.
For the PM to be using, in effect, the royal prerogative, in a lawless campaign is treason in my book. I repeat - treason.
David Halpin MB BS FRCS
Dear Mr Stride,
I need to define 'treason' as used below.
Firstly we start with the definition of a supreme war crime as defined at Nurnberg. That is to engage or conspire to engage in aggressive war, 'from which all other crimes flow'. The UK's part in Iraq was exactly that. So too is the 'war' in Afghanistan, and Libya since. Not one of these wars were/are defensive. In Syria, the war or rebellion, is being fought by surrogates, starting with those champions of democracy, Saudi Arabia and Qatar. That they are being fought by surrogates does not absolve us from the charge.
Secondly - "All Members shall refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state, or in any other manner inconsistent with the Purposes of the United Nations... Nothing contained in the present Charter shall authorize the United Nations to intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any state or shall require the Members to submit such matters to settlement under the present Charter."
UN Charter - 1: Purposes and Principles http://www.un.org/en/documents/charter/chapter1.shtml
And now treason.
a. Nothing that Messrs Hague and Cameron have said or done in regard to Syria can be construed as being in defence of the UK or its interests. Given the threats made by them towards President Assad and Syria, that is treason.
b. It is common knowledge (PNAC) and via Oded Yinon (adviser to the Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the '80s) that Syria was to be destroyed or decimated, as the pathway to the same fate for Iran. Netanyahu, who with many world leaders shows plain features of psychopathy, has spoken with other Israelis of a first strike on Iran if it continues its alleged attempts to add one atomic bomb in the ME where Israel has hundreds. The steady escalation we see now with Russian S300 and S400 missiles on station or on their way threatens world war. That Messrs Cameron and Hague are stirring this cauldron without any advantage for the UK, and every risk, is treason also.
David Halpin MB BS FRCS
ps I add a quotation from Milton Mayer which should give you pause for thought. His German Jewish family emigrated from Germany to the US before the onslaught. I want people healed, not burned, shredded or killed.
"What no one seemed to notice was the ever widening gap between the government and the people. And it became always wider.....the whole process of its coming into being, was above all diverting, it provided an excuse not to think....for people who did not want to think anyway gave us some dreadful, fundamental things to think about.....and kept us so busy with continuous changes and 'crises' and so fascinated.....by the machinations of the 'national enemies,' without and within, that we had no time to think about these dreadful things that were growing, little by little, all around us.....
"Each step was so small, so inconsequential, so well explained or, on occasion, 'regretted,' that unless one understood what the whole thing was in principle, what all these 'little measures'.....must some day lead to, one no more saw it developing from day to day than a farmer in his field sees the corn growing.....Each act is worse than the last, but only a little worse. You wait for the next and the next.
"You wait for one great shocking occasion, thinking that others, when such a shock comes, will join you in resisting somehow. You don't want to act, or even talk, alone.....you don't want to 'go out of your way to make trouble.' But the one great shocking occasion, when tens or hundreds or thousands will join with you, never comes.
"That's the difficulty. The forms are all there, all untouched, all reassuring, the houses, the shops, the jobs, the mealtimes, the visits, the concerts, the cinema, the holidays. But the spirit, which you never noticed because you made the lifelong mistake of identifying it with the forms, is changed. Now you live in a world of hate and fear, and the people who hate and fear do not even know it themselves, when everyone is transformed, no one is transformed.
"You have accepted things you would not have accepted five years ago, a year ago, things your father.....could never have imagined."
'They Thought They Were Free'
by Milton Mayer, The Germans, 1938-45
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1955)